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Foundations
for Christianity:
201
Bible Translations and Manuscripts
A Brief
Examination of Manuscript Variation Issues
Are Translations Unreliable?
(Part 1)
Are Translations Unreliable?
(Part 2)
A Brief Examination of Manuscript
Variation Issues
Our Purpose and Course of Study
The purpose of this article is twofold, to address important
issues regarding the reliability of the Biblical texts and
to clarify our position regarding the existing textual traditions,
in part, by comparing them. The course that we will take in
our examination of these issues is as follows.
First, we will discuss the reliability of the Judeo-Christian
scriptures and clarify some fundamental issues that are relevant
to this topic. Second, we will present some basic information
about textual variations that are present in the surviving
Biblical manuscripts and texts. Third, we will discuss text
types or families and how Biblical translations are made from
them. Fourth, we will compare and assess the value of the
antiquity of the surviving text and text types. Fifth, we
will identify the key issues at stake concerning the existence
of textual variations. Sixth, we will then cover the common
arguments for preferring the readings of one text or text
type over the others. Seventh, we will compare and assess
the significance of textual alteration by heretical groups
in the Alexandrian region. Eighth, we will assess the causes
and implications of textual variation. Ninth, we will clarify
our own position through comparison and contrast with the
views of others on this subject. Tenth, we will spend some
time discussing the textual variation present in John 1:18
and the relevance of the early church writings as exemplified
by this passage. Eleventh, we will discuss a few other prominent,
significant passages where textual variation exists. And finally,
we will close with a conclusion and summary of reliability
and text type preferences.
Introduction: Clarification and the Reliability of the
Judeo-Christian Scripture
As we begin, the most important point that needs to be addressed
up front pertains to the general question of the reliability
of the Biblical documents.
It must be said that as a set of ancient documents the Biblical
texts are second to none and are, in fact, head and shoulders
above any other ancient text in terms of historical reliability.
There can be no serious or scholarly question on the historical
value of the Bible. The superiority of the Biblical texts
to all other ancient documents is established by several criteria:
the early writing of the original documents in relation to
the figures and events they record, the close proximity of
the authors to the persons and events they record, the number
of existing copies of the documents, and the proximity in
time of the copies both to the originals and to the actual
figures and events they describe.
For more information on the Biblical textual tradition and
its reliability in comparison to other ancient documents please
read the following articles in the Why Christianity study
series: The Introduction to the Criteria of Assessment and
The Criteria for Assessing Evidence and Reaching Conclusions
sections (at the beginning of the Introduction to Why Christianity
Study article); the article entitled, "Judaism and Christianity
Introduction and History;" and the article entitled, "History
of Judaism Continued."
In the articles mentioned above we establish from the secular,
academic, historical standards for ancient documents that
both the Old and New Testament texts are very highly reliable
documents. More specifically, we can be certain, in light
of these facts, that the New Testament is clearly and indisputably
a faithful record of the teachings of Jesus Christ as passed
on to the church through His apostles. Any suggestion to the
contrary is either uninformed of the facts, based upon prejudicial
or philosophically biased standards, is intellectually irresponsible,
or worse yet, is intentionally misleading.
The reason we have taken the time to affirm the general reliability
and historical value of the Biblical texts at the start is
so that no one can be confused regarding the discussion that
follows.
Basic Information about Textual Variation in Biblical Manuscripts
The 5,000 or so existing copies and fragments of copies of
the New Testament can be grouped into families. There are
three or four main groupings total and some manuscripts apparently
incorporate aspects of several of the text traditions. The
groupings themselves are made in recognition of variations
in the readings of some verses and passages of the New Testament
texts. The two most prominent text types (or families) are
the Byzantine and the Alexandrian.
When we state that variations occur between various copies
and textual traditions we must be clear. In no way does the
presence of such variation infringe upon or call into question
the reliability of the Biblical texts. In no way can the existence
of variation between different copies be taken to indicate
that the words and events that are written in the New Testament
are not a faithful record of the life and teachings of Jesus
Christ or that of his apostles or the early church. The faithfulness
and historical reliability of the Bible is not in question.
There are several reasons for this.
First, of all of the verses in the New Testament, only a very
small proportion have variant readings in different textual
traditions. The vast majority of the New Testament text is
the same in every verse no matter what copy or text type (or
family) we look at. So, the relevance of New Testament textual
variation pertains only to a very, very small amount leaving
the large bulk of the text unaffected and in unanimous consent.
Second, the nature of the variations that do occur is, in
the large majority of the cases, not of any doctrinal significance.
A great many of the variations are due to simple copyist errors.
Such copyist errors are understandable phenomena that remain
unavoidable even after the onset of modern technology.
There are several different types of copyist errors. There
are spelling errors due to poor light, poor vision, or poor
hearing (when the scribe was being dictated to). There are
instances, when a scribe would accidentally skip a line or
two while copying and omit part of a verse, a sentence, or
a paragraph. There are times, when a scribe may perhaps have
accidentally incorporated a few familiar words from a different
passage into a very similar verse that they were currently
copying. In other cases, where a copyist was being dictated
to, a word might have been misheard or confused with a similar
sounding word, and the wrong word mistakenly written instead
of what was in the original. And in some cases, a copyist
may have compounded a title for Jesus Christ from a shorter
to a longer version of the title due to familiarity and frequent
contact with longer titles in other passages. Another type
of copyist error would include what is called harmonizing.
This type of error pertains mostly to the gospels and occurs
when something written by one gospel author may have incidentally
incorporated by a scribe into a parallel account of the same
events in another gospel.
It is these types of variations (erroneous spellings, additional
words, skipped lines, compounded titles, harmonization, etc.)
that constitute most of the textual differences in the New
Testament texts. They are obvious to the trained eyes of Greek
scholars and linguists. They are easily identified and corrected
through comparison to the vast amount of other existing texts.
And, most importantly, they have no substantive doctrinal
significance, which is to say they have no bearing whatsoever
on Judeo-Christian teaching.
Text Types (or Families) and Bible Translations
These types of variations do exist. And the development and
compounding of such errors into various regional copying traditions
can for the most part be traced and identified. Later copies
may repeat any errors that existed in the source document
that was copied from. In other cases, copyists using more
than one source document may have been able to correct these
errors and remove them by comparing the parent documents.
Often scribes (or copyists) wrote notes in the margin concerning
these things. And ultimately as a result of these trends,
such scribal errors accumulated over time into the various
text types (or families) that we have today. A text type is
the categorizing of surviving texts into groups with other
texts that have the same readings where variation occurs in
the text.
The Byzantine text type or family is a great example of this.
Of the 5,000 surviving Greek manuscripts of the New Testament
the majority of them (95 percent or so) are considered to
be of the Byzantine text type or family. For this reason,
the Byzantine texts are sometimes collectively referred to
as the Majority Text. As a family of texts, the Byzantine
manuscripts are very consistent with one another in terms
of how they read from passage to passage and how they differ
from the readings of other families of texts. As such, the
Byzantine text tradition is quite an amazing testament to
the efficiency and faithfulness of the copyists in accurately
preserving ancient and authentic Christian teaching and manuscript
content with consistency and without alteration.
By contrast, the Alexandrian text type tends to have less
agreement with one another. It is also true that the Alexandrian
family is a much smaller set of texts.
The relevance of these two text types to modern Bible translations
is significant. This can be seen in the example of the King
James Bible, which has been dominant in the English speaking
world for several centuries going back to the 1600's. The
King James Bible is based on the work of scholarly men who
utilized Byzantine type manuscripts to create a single composite
Greek document of the New Testament in order to translate
into the English language. This composite is known as the
Received Text or Textus Receptus. It was a very scholarly
undertaking and produced a very fine result. However, several
important aspects about the King James Version must be acknowledged.
First, the Textus Receptus is not itself an ancient Greek
manuscript copy. Instead, is a composite created from existing
Byzantine manuscripts. Second, while the Textus Receptus (or
TR) was based on and is very close to the Byzantine text type,
it is not identical with the Byzantine text tradition. There
are places where the TR differs from the Byzantine text tradition
(Majority Text). Third, the TR was itself altered over the
course of several editions.
By contrast, a few words should be said about the Alexandrian
text family. Through a process of textual criticism, Alexandrian
type texts are used to create a Greek manuscript compilation
(or Critical Text) that is then used as a basis for modern
Bible translations such as the NIV, NASB, RSB, etc. It is
important to understand several factors about the process
of how the Alexandrian manuscripts are utilized to produce
these modern translations.
First, the Alexandrian text family's strength is in the early
dates of its documents. (It should be noted that although
dating earlier, the Alexandrian documents are still copies
not originals, just as the Byzantine texts are copies.) And
yet, one of the Alexandrian family's weaknesses is perhaps
due to this earliness. This weakness is that we simply don't
have as many Alexandrian texts remaining in existence today.
As we said earlier, they are by far the minority of surviving
texts. As such, when the Alexandrian text reading is preferred
over other readings such as the reading in the Byzantine (or
Majority Text) type, we must be aware that we are basing our
reading of a New Testament passage in favor of a very small
fraction of the existing manuscripts against a much larger
majority. However, though it is important to be aware of this,
it must be stated that in and of itself, this fact does not
discredit the use of the Alexandrian texts for producing a
reliable New Testament translation. There may, after all be
very good reason for going with such a preference.
Second, as a family the Alexandrian texts do not have as much
agreement or consistency as the Byzantine (or Majority) text
type. When scholars use the Byzantine texts to produce a New
Testament translation, by and large, they do not have to make
selections as to which Byzantine text or texts they are going
to use for how a particular passage reads. Since the Byzantine
texts have so much agreement with one another they tend to
collectively point to the same reading with much consistency.
This is especially relevant where there is textual variation
between the surviving texts and text types. The result is
that the translations based upon the Byzantine or Majority
texts reproduce the collective consistency and agreement of
the readings of the Byzantine or Majority text group.
Where there is variation present in a verse among different
text traditions, the decision is whether or not to follow
the Byzantine (or Majority Text) type and exclude the other
options presented by other traditions or to exclude the reading
of the Byzantine texts in favor of another reading. The point
being that the Byzantine or Majority Text type possesses a
consistency by which they are used collectively rather than
selectively. We can make this point clearer by a comparison
with the Alexandrian texts.
When scholars use Alexandrian texts to produce a translation
of the New Testament they have to select which specific texts
from the Alexandrian family they are going to follow when
rendering the reading of any verse or passage because there
is a variety of options within the Alexandrian texts themselves.
Where there is variation present in a verse among different
text traditions, the question isn't just whether or not to
follow the Alexandrian texts and exclude the other text traditions.
Instead, the question often is which of the Alexandrian versions
should be followed and which Alexandrian texts should be excluded
along with the rest of the surviving texts and text types.
In particular, there are a handful of prominent Alexandrian
texts that are used the most often to create a composite Greek
Critical Text from which to translate a modern translation
such as the NIV, NASB, or RSV. These documents include: Papyrus
66, containing sections of John's Gospel; Papyrus 75, containing
sections of Luke and John; Codex Sinaiticus (or Aleph as it
is referred to), containing most of the Old and New Testaments;
and Codex Vaticanus (also referred to as B).
On some occasions, these prominent texts may agree with each
other. When they do agree, the reading they share is typically
concluded to be the most reliable reading as it is typically
representative of the oldest surviving texts. However, on
other occasions, the prominent Alexandrian texts do not have
the same reading of a passage, but instead they vary among
themselves as to what the Greek wording is. When this occurs,
each individual text must be weighed by scholars against the
others and a determination for the best reading of the New
Testament is made based solely on the readings of a very few
texts. This disagreement is a characteristic of the Alexandrian
text type and must be kept in mind when making selections
between the Byzantine and Alexandrian versions where variations
appear in the surviving texts.
The bottom line is that composite Greek texts compiled from
Alexandrian texts are not consistent with the readings of
any single surviving Alexandrian manuscript. Instead, critical
texts that are used to create modern English translations
of the Bible are an assortment of selected readings from one
or more Alexandrian texts in some passages and readings from
other Alexandrian texts in other passages.
Valuing the Antiquity of the Surviving Texts and Text Types
The last point of clarification that should be made has to
do with comparing the antiquity and proportion of these two
important text traditions. It has been noted that the Byzantine
Text is the Majority Text. And it has been noted that the
surviving Alexandrian texts are earlier, meaning more ancient
than the surviving Byzantine texts.
However, we must keep in mind that when we are discussing
such things we can only draw conclusions about the surviving
manuscripts, the situation as is exists for us today. We are
prohibited from drawing conclusions about the antiquity of
each tradition or the proportion of either tradition in the
first few centuries of Christendom.
For instance, while the Byzantine texts are the majority of
the texts surviving into modern times, they are also later
dating texts. This means that the majority of the manuscripts
that we have surviving from the first 8 centuries of Christian
history are not Byzantine, but of the Alexandrian text type
or family. However, the great majority of the manuscripts
we have surviving from after the 9th century or later are
after the Byzantine tradition.
Notice how careful we are when making these statements. We
cannot say that the Byzantine texts were the majority text
type of the early church. We don't know that information.
It might be reasonable to conclude this based on the sheer
amount of surviving Byzantine texts from later times. But
the fact remains that all we know for sure is that we have
more Byzantine texts surviving from the 9th century through
the 16th century than we do Alexandrian texts surviving from
that same period.
And likewise, we cannot say that the Alexandrian texts were
the majority text of the early church. Again, we simply don't
have that information. It may be reasonable to conclude that
this was the case due to the fact that we have more Alexandrian
texts surviving from this earlier period, but their survival
could also be due to other factors besides a predominance
at that time. For instance, it is quite reasonable to suppose
that the arid climate of Egypt helped to preserve the Alexandrian
texts while texts in other regions deteriorated. Again, all
we can say for sure is that we have more Alexandrian texts
surviving from before the 9th century than we do Byzantine
texts surviving from that same period. But we simply do not
know the proportion of either text in comparison to the other
during the earlier periods.
The main point is that that survivability into modern times
does not necessarily provide any indication of prevalence
or proportion of distribution in the early church.
Likewise, it should be noted that the surviving documents
of both text types (Alexandrian and Byzantine) come from centuries
after the original documents were penned. The original New
Testament works were penned between 40 and 100 A.D. The oldest
surviving Alexandrian papyri are fragments of John and Luke,
which at the earliest date to the beginning of the third century.
The important Alexandrian codices Sinaiticus and Vaticanus
date to about the year 300 A.D. or so. The earliest surviving
Byzantine texts come about a hundred years after these. The
important fact is that while the Alexandrian texts may be
closer in proximity to the originals than the Byzantine texts,
the difference in time between surviving texts from these
two traditions is far less significant than the amount of
time between either group and the originals. The reason for
this is the fact that all the surviving texts date after the
main period when textual variation is thought to have occurred.
Because this is the case, neither text type can claim synchronicity
with the earliest texts based on their relative proximity
in time.
Identifying the Key Issues at Stake Concerning Textual
Variation
The issue brought up by this comparison is an important one.
It deals with the central aspect of the ongoing discussion
over the reliability and relative value of the surviving text
traditions. The key question is this: in the few passages
where truly significant variations are presented in the surviving
texts, which text's reading do we regard as most likely to
reflect the original wording of New Testament scripture?
Where doctrinally significant variations occur the need to
clarify which reading is most likely the original reading
is less important than in the few places where doctrinally
significant variation exists. Where theologically substantive
variations exist between the surviving manuscripts, it is
crucial to the study, preservation, and proclamation of sound
Christian teaching that we identify which version is an alteration
from the original scriptural reading and which version accurately
preserves the original scriptural reading. This identification
should be aided and accompanied by an explanation for how
and why the alternate version first diverged from the original
reading in the first place.
Later on we will take a look at some of the critical passages
where this process of identifying the original and the divergent
readings is most important. For now, we will continue to discuss
the type of textual variations where making such an identification
is of the utmost importance.
Earlier on in this article we discussed the existence of what
we deemed to be scribal or copyist errors. These errors included
such things as misspellings, transposing words, omitting lines
or parts of lines of text, misheard words replaced with similar
sounding words, compounded titles, and the incorporation of
phrases from other passages to a passage with a similar phrase
or description. A common characteristic of these types of
copyist errors is their unintentional or incidental nature.
The variations created by these types of processes are typically
understood as accidentally or incidentally resulting from
the nature and imperfections inherent to the process of copying
large amounts of text familiar to the copyist. In no case
was the scribe intentionally attempting to alter the meaning
or wording of the text. And, for the most part, variations
created in this manner are apparent to the trained eye of
persons studied in Christian teaching, Christian history,
and Biblical languages and who have access to other scriptural
and ancient Christian texts for comparison.
Additionally, variations created along these lines are doctrinally
insignificant and have no bearing on Christian teaching. In
some cases a word or phrase included in one text or text family
is not present in another, but due to the surpassing amount
of material contained in the New Testament no serious loss
or change of doctrinally significant material occurs. In other
cases a word or phrase from one location may be added to a
passage discussing a similar topic. Any absence from a particular
verse usually appears elsewhere within the nearby verses,
the larger context of the passage or book, or at the very
least somewhere else in the New Testament. Any additional
statements added to a passage are not novel to the New Testament,
but are imported from other passages. The result of these
types of variations is that nothing of importance to Christian
teaching is lost or left unclear and nothing of a novel or
contradictory theological nature is added.
Regarding these types of copyist errors, there can be no real
disagreement with the idea of correcting misspellings, misheard
words, or inadvertent omissions. Of course, such correcting
measures are conducted through comparison to other existing
New Testament texts as a part of competent translational procedures
for all modern versions of the Bible. Likewise, we have no
principle disagreement with the removal of added words that
result from compounding titles or the insertion of phrases
from similar passages. As we said, we feel that in cases such
as these, nothing of doctrinal importance is really at stake.
And we do not feel that the inclusion or exclusion of such
added phrases really poses any significant issue for understanding
Christian teaching.
Similarly, let us clear up any confusion that may exist on
a related issue. The above descriptions of variations resulting
from unintentional or doctrinally insignificant scribal or
copyist "errors" can be categorized as "textual variations."
Textual variations are essentially different wordings of the
Greek language in the surviving New Testament texts. We must
distinguish these types of actual textual differences that
occur in the Greek texts, with another type of difference
that becomes present when comparing the various modern English
translations that are available today.
In contrast to textual differences in the Greek texts, modern
English versions of the Bible all have some degree of what
might be called "translational variation." Translational variation
deals with the various English words and phrases that are
used to translate the original Greek language from the surviving
text traditions. Some modern English versions may more consistently
or adequately convey the meaning of the Greek language. Some
may use more up-to-date language. In most cases, variation
in the English does not correspond to the Greek text itself.
Different English words are used by different modern translations
based on the exact same wording of the Greek text. As students
of the Bible we can and should ask whether our English translation
satisfactorily translates and communicates the meaning conveyed
by the original Greek. But, such translational questions do
not deal with and should not be confused with the key question
of which Greek textual tradition preserves (or diverges) from
the original wording of scripture in such places where textual
variation occurs.
To summarize, textual variation deals with the critical issues
of different versions present in the Greek texts. Translational
variation deals with the less important issue of the particular
selection of English words and phrases to convey the meaning
of the Greek. Since a student of the Bible should not and
would not base a doctrinal position merely upon the particular
English wording without a study of how the underlying Greek
is used, translational variations between modern English versions
are not really an issue that affects the all important matter
of doctrinally relevant divergence in the wording of a few
passages of the surviving Greek texts.
By discussing these issues we can appropriately focus on the
real issue at hand. The real issue at hand is not the doctrinally
insignificant, textual variations that arise as a result of
unintentional or incidentally copyist errors (or alterations)
that have no doctrinal insignificance. The real issue is not
the translational variation that is present between modern
English Bibles. The real issue that needs to be addressed
is the few occasions where doctrinally significant textual
variation exists between the surviving Greek texts (and text
types.)
When doctrinally significant textual variation exists between
the surviving Greek texts (and text types) it is necessary
to identify which text (or which text type or tradition) has
preserved the original scriptural reading and which text has
diverged from the original reading. This identification requires
some understanding of how divergences could have occurred
in the first place. It is this question, how textual variations
or divergences of doctrinal significance occurred, that separates
the two main schools of Biblical text scholars. It is this
question that causes many modern scholars to prefer selected
readings present in particular and prominent Alexandrian texts
where variations exist. It is this question that causes other
modern scholars and many scholars of the past to prefer the
readings present in the Byzantine or Majority Text tradition
where variations exist.
What is not at issue between the Christian scholars who support
either the Alexandrian or Byzantine texts types is the idea
of intentional additions and alteration by pious scribes.
While it is true that some fringe groups, such as the Jesus
Seminar, might be willing to assert that pious scribes intentionally
added and altered scripture texts, this is a view that should
not and need not be ascribed to pro-Alexandrian text supporters.
Neither Alexandrian text supporters nor Byzantine text supporters
explain the textual variations that exist between surviving
copies of the New Testament as the result of intentional additions
or alterations by pious scribes. Both of these groups of scholars
discard that idea as untenable for several reasons.
First, pious scribes had the utmost reverence for the sacred
texts and for the authority of the apostles' teaching. They
believed very firmly that the words they were copying were
written by men of greater understanding and wisdom than themselves.
They were deeply convinced that the text they were handling
was the Word of God, inspired by the Holy Spirit, penned by
the apostles of Jesus Christ, and preserved by divine providence.
Second, the abiding faithfulness of the scribes in reproducing
thousands of copies of the scriptural texts with consistency
and with only very minimal variation over thousands of years
clearly demonstrates both the high degree of diligence with
which the scribes approached their task and the reverence
that they held for sacred text itself. This consistency that
we have in the body of surviving New Testament texts indicates
that as a rule scribes did not intentionally alter or add
to sacred texts.
These facts together lead Christian scholars of both the pro-Alexandrian
and pro-Byzantine text types to doubt the suggestion that
at any point a truly pious scribe would have looked at a New
Testament document and said "I don't think that's right, I
think it should say this instead."
The Grounds for Preferring the Readings of One Text or
Text Type over Others
Where Christian scholars truly differ in their assessment
of how divergence occurred in the first place is really an
issue of whether or not they see any doctrinal issues are
at stake when selecting from the available text variations.
Scholars who support the use of selected Alexandrian readings
do not typically view any textual variations as having real
doctrinal consequence. As a result of this conclusion, pro-Alexandrian
text scholars do not consider the intentional alteration of
scriptural texts by heretics to be a serious potential cause
of doctrinally significant divergences in the surviving New
Testament texts. And consequently, pro-Alexandrian text scholars
typically conclude that all textual variation must be understood
solely as the result of incidental and unintentional copyist
errors.
It is this view that separates the pro-Alexandrian text scholars
from those who support the Byzantine or Majority Text. Like
the supporters of the Alexandrian texts, supporters of the
Majority (or Byzantine) Text acknowledge that the unintentional
and incidental copyist errors described above can and did
result in doctrinally insignificant textual variations. However,
unlike the pro-Alexandrian text scholars, pro-Byzantine (or
Majority) text scholars view some textual variations as having
serious doctrinally significant consequences. As a corollary,
pro-Byzantine (or Majority) text scholars insist that the
historically documented text tampering of Alexandrian heretics
is a serious potential cause of textual variation that must
be considered when determining which reading has diverged
from the original.
By comparing the approaches of these two scholarly camps,
we arrive at two additional critical questions of this discussion.
First, do some textual variations perhaps have serious doctrinal
implications? And second, should heretical text tampering
be considered a serious potential cause for the textual variation
that exists in surviving New Testament copies? Obviously,
these two questions are related. In answering them the first
point to establish is the historical fact that heretics in
Alexandria were intentionally altering Biblical texts.
There are many non-canonical writings that have survived to
us from the early church period. The men who wrote during
this time recorded the history of this very important period
spanning the first few centuries A.D. As works documenting
historical information, the writings of such men as Tertullian
and Eusebius provide a great deal of information about the
activities of the prominent heretical groups of these early
centuries. And what we find is not only what these heretical
groups believed and taught, but most importantly, what we
are told by these early church historians is that the heretics
did most certainly alter sacred texts to better fit with their
deviant teachings.
More specifically, we can learn from the early church where
the heretics who were altering the text were based geographically
and the language they used to spread their false doctrine.
When we study early church history we find that although Gnostic
heretics did spread to other parts of the Roman (or Byzantine
Roman) world, their origination and epicenter was Alexandria,
Egypt Ð the very source location of the Alexandrian text type
and of the most prominent Alexandrian texts. Early prominent
Gnostic heretical leaders like Valentinus and Basilides were
first active in Alexandria during the middle of the second
century A.D.
In the twenty seventh chapter of his work Against Heresies,
Book I, Irenaeus, a second century apologist, recorded the
beliefs of the Gnostic heretic Marcion. In the fifth chapter
of his third book, Tertullian, a Christian apologist who lived
and wrote between approximately 160-230 A.D., records that
Marcion tampered with the Biblical texts. As such Tertullian's
testimony that Marcion deliberately altered the scriptural
texts in a theologically consequential manner is informative
of this practice among heretical leaders. Notice from the
quote below that Marcion is not an isolated incident, but
his followers are said to be "daily retouching" the New Testament
texts.
"For if the (Gospels) of the apostles have come down to us
in their integrity, whilst Luke's, which is received amongst
us, so far accords with their rule as to be on a par with
them in permanency of reception in the churches, it clearly
follows that Luke's Gospel also has come down to us in like
integrity until the sacrilegious treatment of Marcion. In
short, when Marcion laid hands on it, it then became diverse
and hostile to the Gospels of the apostles. I will therefore
advise his followers, that they either change these
Gospels, however late to do so, into a conformity with their
own, whereby they may seem to be in agreement with the apostolic
writings (for they are daily retouching their work, as
daily they are convicted by us); or else that they blush for
their master, who stands self-condemned either way - when
once he hands on the truth of the gospel conscience smitten,
or again subverts it by shameless tampering." - Tertullian,
Book III Ch. V
(NOTE: The above passage from Tertullian is quoted from Tim
Warner's article "Demise of the Westcott-Hort Theory.")
Similar accounts are provided by two the fourth century writers,
Eusebius and Theodoret, concering the heretic Tatian. In the
twenty eighth chapter of his work Against Heresies, Book I,
Irenaeus, relates followed after the Gnostic beliefs of men
like Marcion. And like his predecessor Marcion, Eusebius and
Theodoret record that Tatian also altered the Biblical texts.
Again, this information demonstrates clearly the practice
of early heretics to deliberately alter the scriptural texts
in a doctrinally significant fashion.
"But their chief and founder, Tatianus, having formed
a certain body and collection of Gospels, I know not how,
has given this the title Diatessaron, that is the gospel by
the four, or the gospel formed of the four; which is in the
possession of some even now. It is also said that he dared
to alter certain expressions of the Apostles, in order to
correct the composition of the phrase." - Eusebius, Ecclesiastical
History. pg. 166
"Tatian the Syrian...also composed the gospel which
is called 'Diatessaron,' cutting out the geneologies and
whatever other passages show that the Lord was born of the
seed of David according to the flesh." - Theodoret, Bishop
of Cyrrhus, Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. IX, p. 37, 38
(NOTE: The above passages from Eusebius and Theodoret are
quoted from Tim Warner's article "Demise of the Westcott-Hort
Theory.")
In the quote below, Eusebius records that doctrinally significant
text tampering was common practice of the Gnostic heretics.
One of the men, Theodotus, was a disciple of the prominent
second century Gnostic heretic Valentinus who founded the
Gnostic school at Alexandria. Notice again from the quote
below that Theodotus is not an isolated incident, but his
followers are said to be "daily retouching" the New Testament
texts.
"...Theodotus, the leader and father of this God-denying
apostasy, as the first one that asserted that Christ was
a mere man...The sacred Scriptures...have been boldly perverted
by them; the rule of the ancient faith they have set aside,
Christ they have renounced, not inquiring what the Holy Scriptures
declared, but zealously laboring what form of reasoning may
be devised to establish their impiety...But as to these men
who abuse the acts of the unbelievers, to their own heretical
views, and who adulterate the simplicity of that faith contained
in the Holy Scriptures,...For this purpose they fearlessly
lay their hands on the Holy Scriptures , saying that they
have corrected them. And that I do not say this against them
without foundation, whoever wishes may learn; for should any
one collect and compare their copies one with another, he
would find them greatly at variance among themselves.
For the copies of Asclepiodotus will be found to differ from
those of Theodotus. Copies of many you may find in abundance,
altered, by the eagerness of their disciples to insert each
one his own corrections, as they call them, i.e. their corruptions.
Again the copies of Hermophilus do not agree with these, for
those of Appollonius are not consistent with themselves. For
one may compare those which were prepared before by them,
with those which they afterwards perverted for their own objects,
and you will find them widely differing....For either
they do not believe that the Holy Scriptures were uttered
by the Holy Spirit, and they are thus infidels, or they deem
themselves wiser than the Holy Spirit, and what alternative
is there but to pronounce them daemoniacs? For neither can
they deny that they have been guilty of the daring act, when
the copies were written with their own hand, nor did they
receive such Scriptures from those by whom they were instructed
in the elements of the faith; nor can they show copies from
which they were transcribed." - Eusebius: Ecclesiastical History.
Baker Book House, Grand Rapids, Michigan. Reprinted 1991.
pp. 214-216
(NOTE: The above passage from Eusebius is quoted from Tim
Warner's article "Demise of the Westcott-Hort Theory.")
From the available historical records we have of the early
church period we can see clearly that it was the common practice
of the Alexandrian Gnostic heretics to alter the scriptural
texts. We must also note from the quote from Eusebius that
having no two copies alike is a hallmark of the Gnostic tampering.
The fact that this inconsistency is also a hallmark of the
Alexandrian text tradition is yet another indication that
the variation present in the Alexandrian texts may be the
result of Gnostic tampering.
This historical information is an important factor for considering
how textual variation of doctrinal significance occurred that
cannot responsibly be left out of our discussion. The very
fact that heretics in Alexandria were intentionally altering
sacred text in the century or so before the copies that survive
to us today were made is itself enough to give serious pause
when considering how and why doctrinally significant textual
variation occurred. Once such a fact is understood it is difficult
to overlook and, therefore, impossible to conceive of ruling
out the possibility that textual variation has resulted from
heretical alteration. Heretical alteration was certainly a
real, historic phenomenon occurring the very region from which
the earliest surviving New Testament texts originate.
In light of such information, heretical tampering cannot be
so completely or easily dismissed as a serious potential cause
of the textual variation that exists between Alexandrian and
other surviving New Testament texts. This is especially the
case when considering textual variations that may have significant
theological implications. The willingness of Alexandrian text
supporters to throw out such a serious possibility seems to
us to perhaps be historically irresponsible and potentially
reckless considering what is at times at stake.
Assessing the Significance of Textual Alteration by the
Heretics in Alexandria
The presence of heretical groups in Alexandria and their potential
influence upon the Alexandrian texts may at times be characterized
as an insignificant factor due to the fact that heresy was
present in Byzantium as well. This comparison deserves further
discussion because simply stating that both Alexandria and
Byzantium had heretical groups creates the impression of equity
between the two regions regarding the issue of potential heretical
tampering with sacred texts.
It is true that heretical ideas were present in Byzantium
in the period of the fourth century before the texts from
that region that survive today were made. However, several
key points must be noted regarding the heresy of fourth century
Byzantium and that of Alexandria.
First, the heresy that became present in Byzantium at the
time of the fourth century was Arianism. Arianism held that
Jesus Christ, the Word of God, was a divine being, but that
He was a created being of a lower level than God the Father
rather than the orthodox, historic Trinitarian position that
Jesus Christ, the Word of God, is uncreated and is of the
same being as the Father.
Furthermore, this fourth century heresy was an offshoot of
the second century Gnostic teachings centered in Alexandria.
After all, Arius himself began teaching this heresy in Alexandria,
Egypt before later spreading it to Constantinople (or Byzantium).
Among those who opposed Arian doctrine we find Athanasius,
who later became bishop of Alexandria. Among those who supported
Arius we find Emperor Constantine, other members of the imperial
household, as well as Eusebius of Caesarea the court historian.
The eventual result of the conflict was that a council was
held to decide the matter at a city not far from Byzantium
(or Constantinople) called Nicaea. In its decrees the council
of Nicaea soundly upheld orthodoxy and condemned Arianism.
The point of this historical information regarding the Arian
heresy in Byzantium is to contrast that heresy with those
of Alexandria in regards to potential heretical influence
upon sacred text transmission. First, it has been historically
documented that the followers of the Gnostic heresy that came
out of Alexandria were altering sacred texts in that region.
Alexandria was the epicenter of their early leaders and their
teachings. And it is from Alexandria that their influence
later spread. These false doctrines and heretical activities
first developed there long before Arius spread his own blend
of Gnostic heresy from Alexandria to Byzantium. So, from this
comparison we can see that the potential heretical influence
over textual transmission is not equally attributable to both
Byzantium and Alexandria. If Byzantium became infected with
heresy, we must contend that Alexandria, the source of the
heresy that later spread to Byzantium, would be even more
corrupted and more suspect.
Second, the text alteration and heretical influence in Alexandria
had been festering in that region for over a century and a
half before it reached Byzantium through the ideas of Arius.
Where Alexandria had a long exposure to the heretical ideas
beginning in the second century, the Gnostic ideas brought
to Byzantium by Arius had only begun to find a place there
in the fourth century.
This means that the Alexandria texts that survive to this
day were created in an environment when Gnostic tradition
had been developing for over a century and a half or more
and included the practice of deliberate alteration of scriptural
texts. On the other hand the existing Byzantine texts that
survive were created in an environment where orthodoxy was
upheld against newly arriving Alexandrian heresies. This then
is a second factor in which Byzantium and Alexandria cannot
be regarded as equivalent in terms of potential heretical
influence upon the transmission of sacred text. If Byzantine
texts are suspect of potential influence by heresy, then Alexandria
with a much longer exposure to the same heretical influences
would be even more suspect.
Third, we might note that textual variation is largely a second
century phenomenon. The differences that we see between surviving
Alexandrian and Byzantine texts are simply the continuation
and accumulation of the variations that occurred over a hundred
years or more before the surviving copies themselves were
made. As such, variations present in surviving texts are not
the result of new alteration occurring in the fourth century
when heresy first came to Byzantium through Arius. Rather,
the differences present in the surviving texts are the result
of divergences that took place much earlier, at the same time
that heretics in Alexandria we deliberately altering sacred
text and seeking to deceive people into thinking that their
false religion was the true teaching of Jesus Christ and his
apostles. Thus, the more important factor is where the heresies
were present when the textual variation was initially occurring,
not where heresies later appeared long after most of the initial
textual variation had emerged. This factor again points to
Alexandria as having a greater potential for heretical text
alterations.
A fourth factor distinguishing Byzantium from Alexandria regarding
any potential heretical influencing of sacred text transmission
should be noted. This fourth factor regards the question of
what evidence we might have for suggesting heretical tampering
in either region.
As a matter of historical information, we know that heretics
centered in Alexandria were actually practicing text alteration
in accordance with their own doctrine. But what about Byzantium?
Is there any historical testimony that heretics in Byzantium
altered the sacred texts? No information to this affect is
found in the early church writings of the period. So, our
concern that heretical text tampering in Alexandria may be
the cause of the divergence between Alexandrian and Byzantine
texts is based upon historical documentation. However, we
do not have such a cause for concern from the historical record
regarding any tampering of Byzantine texts.
Beyond historical attestation what reason is there to suspect
the surviving New Testament texts from either region of having
potentially been influenced by heretical text tampering?
The readings presented in the Alexandrian text in particular
passages seem to follow the pattern described by the historical
documentation of the early church concerning such alteration.
At times the Alexandrian versions seem to reflect the Gnostic
teachings or even seem to outright state them (as may be the
case in John 1:18 for example). So, the cause of suspecting
heretical text tampering in Alexandrian texts is made based
on the correlation of the Alexandrian readings with the language
and pattern of Gnostic alteration that was historically occurring
in that region at the time of and prior to the creation of
the documents that survive from that area today.
But what about the Byzantine texts? Are the Byzantine text
readings charged with reflecting heretical views of either
the Gnostics or the Arians? No, they are not.
Unlike, the Alexandrian texts the Byzantine texts cannot be
said to contain indications or reflections of heretical doctrine.
Instead, the variation present in the Byzantine texts are
confirmed to be very orthodox in nature, so much so that the
Byzantine variations are often viewed by pro-Alexandrian text
scholars as the result of pious scribes seeking to strengthen
church teaching against the heretics.
So, historical documentation and correspondence with heretical
teaching leads to a cautious concern that Alexandrian text
variations may, in fact, be the result of the incorporation
of heretically altered texts. On the other hand, no such historical
basis exists for a similar concern regarding the Byzantine
texts. There is no historical documentation that heretics
in Byzantium were altering sacred texts. Furthermore, it is
not contended by either group of scholars (pro-Alexandrian
or pro-Byzantine) that the variations present in the Byzantine
text bear any resemblance at all to heretical doctrine. Instead,
the orthodoxy of the Byzantine readings is affirmed in all
cases even if it is contended not to be a reflection of the
original text.
Fair-mindedness and Caution in Assessing the Causes and
Implications of Textual Variations
However important this historical information is concerning
the heretical text alteration that was occurring in Alexandria,
it must be said that this information is not in and of itself
grounds for dismissing the Alexandrian texts in favor of the
Majority or Byzantine texts. On the other hand, it is most
certainly enough to cause us to be cautious as we consider
where and how Alexandrian texts and Majority (or Byzantine)
texts differ from one another and as consider which reading
preserves the original and which diverges from it, particularly
with regard to any doctrinally significant variations. Likewise,
in our opinion, some damage is certainly done to the credibility
of scholars involved in this field who do not acknowledge
or consider the real potential that heretical alteration has
occurred in the Alexandrian tradition and that such heretical
alteration is a serious potential cause for the variation
present in the texts of some important New Testament passages.
By contrast, while it is true that the Byzantine (or Majority)
Text may itself have accumulated alterations, as we have said
these alterations are not doctrinally significant and are
not considered by any side to conflict with clear orthodox,
Biblical teaching. It is also very unlikely and unreasonable
to suppose that pious scribes could or would have intentionally
or unintentionally introduced doctrinally conflicting material
into the New Testament. And in fact, pro-Alexandrian text
supporters do not assert that alterations or additions by
pious scribes introduce unorthodox or conflicting doctrinal
statements into the New Testament or that pious scribes intentionally
altered the text at all. Instead, as we have said, Alexandrian
text supporters simply view all textual variation as the result
of unintentional or incidental scribal error with no doctrinal
significance in any case.
So, a distinction must be made between the Alexandrian and
Byzantine (or Majority) texts in this category as well. The
Alexandrian texts present at least a few passages with readings,
which may with good reason be seen as containing heretical
statements and implications reflecting Gnostic concepts and
conflicting with the whole of Biblical teaching. On the other
hand, the readings of the Byzantine or Majority Text, while
perhaps containing doctrinally insignificant and incidental
errors or alterations by pious scribes, are not theologically
conflicting with the whole of orthodox, Biblical teaching.
Clarifying Our Own Position through Comparison and Contrast
to the Views of Others
Much work has been done in this field by others. So, we will
not expound on or repeat their important work in this article.
Instead, we will now take the time to clarify our position
on the matter in comparison to two scholars whose work we
appreciate on the subject, but who disagree with one another.
The particular authors we are referring to are Tim Warner
and Dr. James R. White. For a more thorough discussion of
the historical and grammatical issues involved in this subject
we recommend reading their works on the matter and researching
the issues they discuss in them. Dr. White is fairly well
published and his book, The King James Only Controversy
is not hard to find. Tim Warner's works may be a little more
difficult to get a hold of, but are available online at pfrs.org,
lasttrumpet.com, or by request from biblestudying.net.
Dr. White is a supporter of the Alexandrian text traditions,
and though he prefers their reading in many cases over the
reading offered by the Textus Receptus, he does not devalue
the Byzantine or Majority Text. Dr. White's book The King
James Only Controversy is useful in this regard, but it
must be noted that the evaluation and comparison of the competing
text traditions is peripheral to the main topic of the book,
which is the much deserved refutation of those who believe
that the King James Version of the Bible is itself inspired
and the only God-sanctioned Bible worthy of studying. In this
book, Dr. White mentions several other works on the subject
of text traditions by both sides of the debate, which are
worth checking out for anyone who seeks to study this topic
more fully. Perhaps most importantly however, typically White
does not present heretical alteration as a viable or likely
explanation of textual variation and he does not seem to consider
textual variation to present any real doctrinal issues.
On the other hand, Tim Warner is a supporter of the King James
Version of the Bible as the best translation to date. He is
not a King James Only advocate, but he does hold to the superiority
of the Byzantine or Majority Text due to the historical likelihood
that the existing Alexandrian texts have incorporated some
heretical alterations. Warner recognizes the historic practice
of Gnostic heretics deliberately altering scriptural texts
and does contend that at least some readings of passages in
the Alexandrian texts have doctrinally significant consequences.
In his material Warner offers solid arguments for preferring
the Byzantine reading over the Alexandrian in specific places
of doctrinally significant variation including and especially
John 1:18. Although Warner does not completely devalue any
usefulness of the Alexandrian texts, he does as a general
rule go with the reading provided by the Textus Receptus where
the two traditions differ.
Our own assessment is somewhere between the positions of these
two men.
We agree with Dr. White in some areas, agreeing that the Alexandrian
texts, being earlier and of a different line of copies, may
tend not to possess the doctrinally insignificant and unintentional
type of copyist errors discussed earlier, which may be more
prevalent in the Byzantine or Majority Text family. As such
we feel that it is entirely acceptable in principle to eliminate
variations that accrued in later texts by comparison to the
Alexandrian text. However, we are aware and cautious of the
tenuous nature of preferring an Alexandrian reading over a
Majority Text reading given that in doing so we may be siding
with only a handful of texts against thousands, which disagree
(including other Alexandrian texts).
But, unlike Dr. White, we do believe that some textual variations
have doctrinal significance. And we recognize two facts that
we believe strongly indicate that the Alexandrian texts have
at some point inadvertently incorporated heretical alterations.
First, there is the fact that the Alexandrian texts do not
agree among themselves. This factor was one of the observations
made by Eusebius concerning heretically altered texts.
"For this purpose they fearlessly lay their hands on the
Holy Scriptures , saying that they have corrected them. And
that I do not say this against them without foundation, whoever
wishes may learn; for should any one collect and compare their
copies one with another, he would find them greatly at variance
among themselves. For the copies of Asclepiodotus will
be found to differ from those of Theodotus. Copies of many
you may find in abundance, altered, by the eagerness of their
disciples to insert each one his own corrections, as they
call them, i.e. their corruptions. Again the copies of
Hermophilus do not agree with these, for those of Appollonius
are not consistent with themselves. For one may compare
those which were prepared before by them, with those which
they afterwards perverted for their own objects, and you will
find them widely differing." - Eusebius: Ecclesiastical
History. Baker Book House, Grand Rapids, Michigan. Reprinted
1991. pp. 214-216
(NOTE: The above passage from Eusebius is quoted from Tim
Warner's article "Demise of the Westcott-Hort Theory.")
Second, there is the fact that they contain corrective marks
by other scribes. Nonetheless, in principle, where doctrinal
issues are not at stake we do not object to Dr. White's approach
of preferring the readings of the Alexandrian texts.
Likewise, we acknowledge along with Dr. White that there are
passages where the English translation found in modern versions
is, in fact, superior for conveying the clear meaning of Christian
teaching than that of the King James Bible. And, we acknowledge
that for the most part there is little if anything lost doctrinally
where modern translations rely upon Alexandrian text readings
or where they do not include aspects of passages found in
the King James.
We would also like to state clearly our agreement with Dr.
White's refutation and objection to the tactics and views
of the King James Only camp. Tim Warner himself criticizes
the extreme positions and actions of the King James Only camp
and so we find harmony with him on this as well. Similarly,
while the motives of all persons involved in modern translations
cannot be known, there is no need to go about suggesting a
"satanic conspiracy" on the part of pro-Alexandrian text scholars
or modern Bible translations.
On the other side, we do have some additional disagreements
with Dr. White that bring us closer to the position of Tim
Warner. We are more comfortable utilizing the Textus Receptus
because of its great conformity to and basis in the Majority
or Byzantine Text. While the Byzantine Text may perhaps have
accumulated a larger proportion of scribal errors and incidental
alterations, these variations are not doctrinally significant
to Christian teaching. It is good to acknowledge, identify,
and be aware of where they may occur, but it does not threaten
or affect the doctrinal soundness or historical reliability
of the Biblical texts to include these variations.
Textual Variation in John 1:18 and the Historic Relevance
of Early Church Writings
Lastly, we must mention that we disagree with Dr. White on
his preference for the Alexandrian readings of some important
New Testament passages and we disagree with his failure to
conclude that some of these passages have serious doctrinal
significance. For instance, we believe that there is serious
and strong historical reason to conclude that the Alexandrian
reading of John 1:18 is a derivative of Gnostic alterations.
It is our opinion, that in such cases as John 1:18, scribes
in Alexandria may have inadvertently incorporated these heretically
altered readings into their copies without realizing it. We
believe that the hypothesis that pious scribes unintentionally
incorporated heretically altered texts without realizing it
is at least as historically valid and reasonable as suggesting
that pious scribes intentionally "corrected," altered, or
added to the texts of their own accord.
For more information on John 1:18 please see Tim Warner's
articles on the subject. In them, Warner examines the historical
information presented by the early church and demonstrates
that the Alexandrian reading "only begotten God" very likely
reflects the incorporation of the Gnostic alteration in accordance
with the Gnostic language and belief that Jesus was a created
being, but none the less a divine emanation from the fullness
of the ultimate God. Thus, the phrasing "only begotten God"
seems to employ Gnostic language reflecting their belief that
the Word is begotten in regard to his deity rather than the
clear New Testament teaching that Christ was begotten solely
in regard to his humanity and incarnation.
Warner presents early documents to this affect, demonstrating
both the language of the Gnostic heretical teaching on this
matter and practice of altering this very passage. He includes
a portion of a commentary on John's Gospel by Ptolemy who
was a disciple of the Alexandrian Gnostic Valentinus. Below
is the quote excerpted from Warner's article on the subject.
"John, the disciple of the Lord, intentionally spoke of the
origination of the entirety, by which the Father emitted all
things. And he assumes that the First Being engendered by
God is a kind of beginning; he has called it "Son" and "Only-Begotten
God." In this (the Only-Begotten) the Father emitted all
things in a process involving posterity." - Layton, Bently,
The Gnostic Scriptures, p. 316
(NOTE: The above passage is quoted from Tim Warner's article
"The Gnostic Connection.")
On this point we also feel that it is important to describe
Dr. White's position on John 1:18 because it exemplifies the
oversight we feel is often committed by Alexandrian text supporters.
Dr. White concludes that no doctrinal difficulties are present
in the Alexandrian reading of this passage. As a result, he
sees no reason to conclude that heretical tampering could
or should be considered as a possible cause of the textual
variation. As such, Dr. White concludes that the variation
must simply be a result of incidental scribal alteration.
Specifically, because it is difficult to see how "theos" ("God")
would have accidentally been inserted by a scribe if the Greek
word for "son" was originally present, Dr. White concludes
that the alternative ("Theos") must be the original wording.
The result is Dr. White's conclusion that at some point a
scribe accidentally replaced the Greek word "theos" with the
Greek word for "son" due to the coupling of "son" with "monogenes"
elsewhere in the New Testament in reference to Jesus Christ.
In his book, Dr. White seeks to defend the Alexandrian "monogenes
Theos" rendering against the accusation that it implies that
Jesus was not eternally God. Dr. White argues that "monogenes"
does not mean "only begotten." He asserts instead that "monogenes"
means "one of a kind." From this understanding, Dr. White
suggests that the translation "one of a kind" or "unique"
is actually more accurate than "only begotten."
It is our assessment that Dr. White's position has two problems.
First, he under-appreciates the potential doctrinal significance
of the conjunction of the Greek word "monogenes" with the
Greek word "Theos" as it occurs in the Alexandrian readings
of John 1:18. Second, as a result he fails to see the real
potential that the Alexandrian reading of this passage may
be the result of heretical tampering.
Concerning White's under-appreciation of the potential doctrinal
significance of "monogenes Theos," the usage of the Greek
word "monogenes" in other New Testament passages where Jesus
is not in view clearly establishes that "monogenes" refers
to the relationship of a parent to their child, especially
an only child. In cases where a child is not an only child
"monogenes" is used to refer to a unique relationship that
the child has to the parent, such as in Isaac's relationship
to Abraham, as his heir and child by God's promise. In any
case, such passages inarguably convey the uniqueness of the
child, but they also inherently convey the relationship of
the child to the parent, as an offspring to its progenitor.
Therefore, when we see this word applied to Jesus, we cannot
remove this inherent feature of the vocabulary. To remove
this meaning is not consistent with the inherent meaning of
the language or the whole of the New Testament usage.
This consistent usage of "monogenes" in the rest of the New
Testament informs us as regard to its meaning in John 1:18
when it is used to refer to Jesus. Contrary to White's position,
since "monogenes" does refer to the relationship between a
parent and child it does have potential doctrinal significance
if it is applied here in John 1:18 to a divine person. Consequently,
since when "monogenes" is used to refer to Jesus, it refers
specifically to His being begotten as a man at His incarnation.
It is not used scripturally to discuss the Second Person of
the Trinity in any other aspect than His sonship to the Father
through His incarnation. Therefore, when "monogenes" is used
to refer to Jesus, the orthodox expectation, established through
the New Testament, is to find it coupled with the Greek word
for "son." In comparison, the coupling of "monogenes" with
the word "Theos" is at least potentially more in line with
the Gnostic idea that the Second Person of the Trinity is
a created divine being. As such, this is definitely a doctrinally
significant variation and certainly warrants the consideration
that the Alexandrian reading may have been tampered with by
the Gnostics.
Furthermore, in part Dr. White's conclusion that "monogenes"
indicates "one of a kind" is based upon his interpretation
of the Greek word "genos" (Strong's No. 1085) to mean "kind."
"Genos" is related to or perhaps one of the root words that
are compounded to form "monogenes." The other root word is
the Greek word "monos" (Strong's No. 3441), which means "alone,
or only." When we put the two together we arrive at Dr. White's
interpretation of the compound word "monogenes" as "one of
a kind" or "unique."
"Genos" certainly does refer to a "kind" as Dr. White asserts.
However, the meaning that "genos" conveys as a "kind" speaks
of common descent from a single ancestor. Again, the relationship
of parent to offspring is in view. This is further supported
by the fact that the related Greek verb "ginomai" (Strong's
No. 1096), which the noun "genos" is derived from, speaks
of coming into existence or being made.
With these facts about Greek language in mind it is clear
that the Alexandrian phrasing "monogenes Theos" should correctly
be translated as "only begotten God." As such, it clearly
may contain the doctrinal implication that the divine nature
of the Second Person of the Trinity was a created, generated,
or begotten God that was not an eternal being. The fact that
this is the exact wording and teaching of the Gnostic heretics,
which were centered in Alexandria and altering scriptural
texts, gives us strong reason to reject Dr. White's position
on this passage.
In addition, we feel that the fact that the rendering "only
begotten God" appears nowhere else in the New Testament is
itself informative. In all other cases the New Testament phrasing
is "only begotten Son". Likewise, while the phrasing "only
begotten God" is present among heretical writings it is not
known to the early church except for a few authors in Alexandria.
However, even in these exceptions, "monogenes Theos" only
appears a few times in a few authors' later works. In all
other works from the first few centuries the church writers
overwhelmingly and exclusively use "only begotten Son" in
reference to the incarnation of the Word. In his articles
on this subject, Tim Warner provides additional historical
documents surviving from the early church period demonstrating
the fact that Gnostic teachers in Alexandria were altering
this very text from this very passage including John 1:18.
From this investigation we can see a survey of the early church
is also a useful tool in helping to determine which textual
version is the preservation of the original and which is divergent
from the original. In fairness, both Warner and Dr. White
acknowledge this fact, but often disagree regarding the implications
of early church readings. In any case, it is clear that the
writings of the early church do serve to inform us which reading
of the texts the early church writers themselves were familiar
with. Certainly, there are passages where the early church
supports the Byzantine reading over the Alexandrian text.
Thus, such instances demonstrate at the least that the Byzantine
text tradition was known in the early church period before
the fourth century and existed elsewhere in the church alongside
the Alexandrian traditions in Egypt. This is important, especially
in cases such as Irenaeus, who conceivably as a disciple of
John the Apostle's disciple Polycarp, may himself have had
in his possession a second or third hand edition of John's
works.
At this point it is worth mentioning that the usage of Byzantine
type readings in the early centuries of the church across
a larger geographic area by prominent church leaders, especially
those with apostolic connections, would go far toward demonstrating
that the Byzantine or Majority Text type was itself the prevalent
text type even in early times. However, from the discussion
of both camps, whether the early church heavily supports the
Alexandrian or Byzantine tradition over the other is not agreed
upon. Both sides argue that, in general, the early church
usage supports their own view. While this lack of clarity
may persist regarding the text traditions in general, it is
clear that in some specific important passages the early church
clearly exhibits a familiarity with one text type over the
other. Whether this fact can be further taken to indicate
or imply a clear dominance of that text type in all other
cases has not been concluded with certainty.
On Other Prominent Passages and Textual Variations
Before we close we might take some time to mention a few of
the more prominent passages where doctrinally significant
textual variation occurs been different text traditions.
The first passage we will mention is 1 Timothy 3:16. In the
Textus Receptus, which is based on the Byzantine (or Majority)
text tradition, this passage states that "God was manifest
in the flesh." In versions based upon Alexandrian texts the
passage states simply "He appeared in a body."
Here we can happily declare that we find agreement with both
Dr. White and Tim Warner in preferring the reading presented
in the Byzantine (or Majority) text. The phrasing in the Greek,
from which we obtain the English phrase "God was manifest
in the flesh," is more consistent with apostolic and scriptural
teaching, which proclaim that the Word became flesh.
By contrast, the alternative reading offered by Alexandrian
texts ("He appeared in a body") is more in concert with a
Gnostic concept that the Christ did not become incarnate and
was not actually human, but merely appeared human though he
did not have a corporeal body. This reason, in cooperation
with the historical concerns mentioned earlier, leads us easily
to the conclusion that the variation present in the two traditions
is reasonably understood to be the result of inadvertent incorporation
of heretical alteration into the Alexandrian copies.
Another often talked about passage is the long ending of Mark
16, specifically verses 9-20. Regarding whether this set of
verses was included in the original text written by Mark,
we are uncertain. Including the passage seems quite reasonable
as some version of it appears in nearly all the ancient manuscripts
(with the exception of the early Alexandrian codices Sinaiticus
and Vaticanus). Likewise, there is nothing in the passage,
which would indicate heretical tampering. Nor is there anything
in the passage that is not presented in some other New Testament
passage. On the other hand, if this portion of the passage
is not included, we lose nothing that isn't presented to us
elsewhere in the New Testament record. It may very well be
that these 11 verses were included in Mark as a summary of
events that followed the resurrection and were contained elsewhere
in New Testament teaching.
Lastly, we mention perhaps the most frequently discussed textual
variation presented in the surviving manuscript traditions,
which is 1 John 5:7, also known as the Johannine Comma. The
fact that this verse does not appear in Byzantine or Alexandrian
texts is a strong reason for supposing that it might originally
have been a scribal note in the margin that was later incorporated
as part of the passage. However, internal evidence does provide
some reason to conclude that the verse was part of John's
original writing.
The strongest reason for concluding that John did originally
write this verse is the use of the peculiar identifier for
the Second Person of the trinity that is unique to John's
writing. In his gospel, John begins his description of Jesus
Christ as the Word of God who became incarnate. The Greek
word translated as "Word" is "Logos." This use of the Greek
word "Logos" throughout John 1 and in John's other works as
a descriptor for Christ is distinctly characteristic of John
and the language he used for identifying Jesus Christ, particularly
when not referring to Jesus' unique son-ship to the Father
through his incarnation as a man. In fact, the term "Son of
God" has a particular technical meaning and is only used in
New Testament, apostolic teaching to speak of the incarnation
of the Second Person of the Trinity, whereby in becoming man,
for the first time He Himself became part of creation and
therefore a son to God, our Father and Creator.
However, 1 John 5:7 is not discussing the incarnation of the
Second Person of the Trinity in relation to the First Person
of the Trinity or Jesus' life or ministry on earth. By contrast,
1 John 5:7 is a reference to all three Persons of the Trinity
in relationship to each other in the context of their work
in heaven. As such, the use of descriptor Logos (rather than
"Son") for the Second Person of the Trinity is uniquely fitting
to the context and is very consistent with and particularly
characteristic of both John's understanding of the Trinity
as well as his writing about the Trinity.
This use of the Greek word "Logos" in this verse, rather than
"Son," is an important trait that must be addressed. If this
verse is a later scribal addition we have to wonder why the
standard Trinitarian formula (Father, Son, and Spirit) was
not used instead as was common practice. Nowhere in the New
Testament or the earliest church writings do we see a coupling
of the Father and the Word. Rather, Father and Son coincide
as a reference to the special aspect of their relationship
that was initiated for the first time as a result of the incarnation.
And the standard mode of Trinitarian reference is always "the
Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit." With this in mind,
it becomes more reasonable to suggest that the verse was written
by John and not a later scribe. Of course, the difficulty
is that if John did originally pen this verse, how do we explain
the equally important alternative question that then emerges.
That question concerns how an authentic New Testament verse
became so universally absent from the surviving texts?
On this point, it should also be noted that the fact that
verse 8 begins with a similar phrasing could explain how this
passage, if authentically Johannine, did come to be omitted
in the later copies. As mentioned earlier, one scribal error,
which is known to have commonly occurred, is the omission
of a verse or part of a verse due to the presence of similar
phrasing in a nearby verse. When this occurs it is usually
the second line that is omitted based upon the similar endings
in the lines. Perhaps in this case, a very early copyist accidentally
skipped the initial verse and proceeded to the second line
due to the presence of similar initial phrasing, thereby,
omitting the first verse entirely. Such a suggestion would
not at all be out of sync with the types of scribal error
that are acknowledged by both sides to have occurred at times
in the process of textual transmission.
Additional relevant points have been made by other scholars
in support of the conclusion that this verse was authentically
written by John. They include appeals that the Greek grammatical
structure dealing with gender agreement would require the
inclusion of this verse in order to function correctly. However,
Greek scholars disagree on this matter and we have not come
across a satisfactory or thorough discussion of the issue
on which to base a conclusion.
Likewise, it is asserted that the phrasing of verse 8 anticipates
or rather indicates that a parallel statement was originally
included in this passage. And, in our opinion, a survey of
the early church writers on this point leaves the issue unsettled.
Simply put, it is difficult to assess whether a writer is
quoting this passage and thus, attesting to its presence in
early texts, or is merely expressing the common Trinitarian
formula without indicating a familiarity with this verse.
Furthermore, as an addition this verse would certainly not
be categorized as a heretical type of variation. Instead,
it exhibits a considerably astute grasp of the orthodox Christian
teaching expressed repeatedly elsewhere throughout the New
Testament. Our conclusion at this point is threefold. The
inclusion of the verse as authentically Johannine (authored
by John the Apostle) may be compelling on linguistic grounds,
especially concerning the usage of the Greek word "Logos."
If such is the case, it does not seem unreasonable to us to
suggest that the widespread omission of this verse by the
surviving texts is the result of an accidental scribal oversight
not altogether very different from other commonly occurring
unintentional omissions.
On the other hand, it may very well be the case that a very
astute scribe wrote this statement in the margin as he reflected
on the text he was copying only to have later scribes perhaps
assume that it was part of the original, which had accidentally
been omitted in the parent document. In either case, no doctrinal
information is lost if it is not included given the fact that
the concept of the Trinity is supported clearly throughout
the scripture. And likewise, no harm is by any means done
by including it since it reflects a sound Christian teaching
of the Trinity already contained elsewhere in the New Testament
and does possess some uniquely Johannine features.
Conclusions on Biblical Reliability and Text Type Preferences
What we can safely conclude from all of our discussion is
that the Biblical texts have faithfully preserved the teachings
of the Judeo-Christian faith as handed on in both the Old
and New Testaments, by the ancient patriarchs to Israel and
by Jesus Christ and His apostles to the church. Through our
discussion of manuscript issues the importance of thorough
and informed scriptural and historical study on the part of
the Christian disciple is stressed. What we can affirm with
all confidence is that God's truth has been preserved for
us, but that it does take effort and diligence on our part
in our pursuit of understanding it. That is not to say that
understanding the Bible is an elusive endeavor only that it
is not without the effort, thought, and study that cultivate
our personal growth in Christ. Without such personal efforts
growth in Christ is often and easily stifled or non-existent.
Ultimately, a thorough analysis of the scripture with an awareness
of textual issues will eliminate any difficulties or chances
of forming a poor understanding of Christian teaching based
upon textually related matters. In this sense, the remarkable
and undeniable historical preservation of the Biblical texts
has resulted in a robust document that is not so fragile or
frail as to leave important Judeo-Christian teaching unclear
due to textual variation and preservation issues.
And as we have said, we believe that a serious and sound doctrinal
study on any issue will include and be based upon an analysis
of the Biblical languages (Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek) and
will not be founded solely upon English word choices. That
is not to say that we believe one must be fluent in the Biblical
languages in order to properly or adequately study the Bible
or understand Christian teaching. All one needs is a sufficient
set of resource materials including concordances, historical
reference dictionaries, and perhaps (for the sake of speed)
computer software allowing the quick cross-referencing of
Biblical languages and passages. In addition, a general understanding
of church history and manuscript related issues and a few
English Bible translations for comparison (including, but
not necessarily limited to the King James) are helpful.
Regarding the text types themselves, we do not rule out the
value of consulting the wording of the Alexandrian texts where
variations exist, but we do feel that there are passages where
Alexandrian readings do contain potential doctrinal difficulties.
As such, we are uncomfortable with and strongly hesitant about
siding with Alexandrian texts against the Byzantine texts
in cases where theologically consequential issues are at stake.
This preference for Byzantine readings is due to the fact
that preferring the Alexandrian reading would in such cases
mean siding with a very small handful of documents that are
not consistent among themselves, that are at times suspiciously
reflective of heretical teachings, and that are from a region
where heretical alteration is historically known to have occurred.
By contrast, in cases where textual variation involves doctrinal
issues, we prefer to go with the Byzantine texts, which are
the vast majority of the surviving texts, which are consistent
among themselves, and for which there is no known historical
or theological reason for suspecting heretical alteration.
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